Volkswagen Voyage 1.6 MSI Highline I-Motion (Flex)

Volkswagen Voyage 2018 1.6 MSI Highline I-Motion (Flex)

A partir de r$60,310, informações do veículo, opcionais e itens de série:.

  • Controle elétrico do vidros traseiros
  • Computador de bordo
  • Airbag duplo frontal
  • Travas elétricas
  • Volante com regulagem de altura
  • Conexão usb
  • Direção hidráulica
  • Ar-condicionado
  • Sensor de estacionamento dianteiro
  • Farol de neblina
  • Controle elétrico do vidros dianteiros
  • Central multimídia
  • Desembaçador traseiro
  • Retrovisores elétricos
  • Rodas de liga leve
  • Cd player com mp3
  • Distribuição eletrônica de frenagem (ebd)

Ficha técnica

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Outras versões

Volkswagen Voyage 1.0 MPI City (Flex)

Voyage 1.0 MPI City (Flex)

Combustível

Volkswagen Voyage 1.0 MPI Trendline (Flex)

Voyage 1.0 MPI Trendline (Flex)

Volkswagen Voyage 1.0 MPI Comfortline (Flex)

Voyage 1.0 MPI Comfortline (Flex)

Volkswagen Voyage 1.6 Trendline (Flex)

Voyage 1.6 Trendline (Flex)

Volkswagen Voyage 1.6 MSI Comfortline (Flex)

Voyage 1.6 MSI Comfortline (Flex)

Volkswagen Voyage 1.6 MSI 8V (Flex)

Voyage 1.6 MSI 8V (Flex)

Volkswagen Voyage 1.6 MSI Highline (Flex)

Voyage 1.6 MSI Highline (Flex)

Volkswagen Voyage 1.6 MSI Comfortline I-Motion (Flex)

Voyage 1.6 MSI Comfortline I-Motion (Flex)

Noticías sobre volkswagen voyage, 5 carros de até r$ 45 mil que vão valorizar nos próximos anos.

5 carros de até R$ 45 mil que vão valorizar nos próximos anos

VW Voyage Tecno: o carro que previa o futuro na década de 1980 e acertou

VW Voyage Tecno: o carro que previa o futuro na década de 1980 e acertou

VW Voyage: o carro que está morrendo pela segunda vez

VW Voyage: o carro que está morrendo pela segunda vez

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Atual (2024): R$ 51.976,00

CONSUMO (Km/l) Cidade Estrada Gasolina Cidade 11,10 Estrada 13,30 Álcool Cidade 7,50 Estrada 9,40

voyage 1.6 highline 2018

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2018 Volkswagen Golf Review

2018 Volkswagen Golf

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Edmunds' Expert Review

voyage 1.6 highline 2018

  • Squared-off hatchback design provides lots of room for cargo
  • Premium interior materials
  • Engine is powerful and fuel-efficient
  • Automatic transmission doesn't shift as responsively or intuitively as we'd like
  • Fewer luxury and convenience features offered than on rival hatchbacks

What's new

  • Wolfsburg Edition and SEL trims have been discontinued
  • New SE trim sits atop Golf range
  • Mildly revised styling
  • A few more standard features, including a new infotainment system
  • Part of the seventh Golf generation introduced for 2015

When it launched for the 2015 model year, this generation Golf was an outlier in the economy class. It offered higher-quality interior materials and more refined ride and handling characteristics than its competitors, along with the practicality of a hatchback. In many ways, the 2018 Volkswagen Golf is better than ever. This year, you get more standard features, including smartphone integration, LED running lights and taillights, automatic headlights and wipers, and the option of a new 8.5-inch infotainment touchscreen.

Cost to Drive Cost to drive estimates for the 2018 Volkswagen Golf TSI S 4dr Hatchback (1.8L 4cyl Turbo 5M) and comparison vehicles are based on 15,000 miles per year (with a mix of 55% city and 45% highway driving) and energy estimates of $3.55 per gallon for regular unleaded in North Dakota.

But even though the 2018 Golf retains its old charms and adds more features, the rest of the small-car field has evolved. The Honda Civic hatchback offers enjoyable performance and high fuel economy along with a roomy back seat and a slew of technology and safety features available across most of its lineup. Or you could check out the Mazda 3, which is engaging on the road and can be had with an even more upscale interior than the Golf.

It'll be worth your while to scout out these rivals, or even the redesigned Hyundai Elantra GT. Still, the 2018 Golf's positive attributes greatly outweigh its negatives.

Notably, we picked the 2018 Volkswagen Golf as one of Edmunds' Best Used Cars .

Edmunds' Expert Rating

Trim tested, acceleration, drivability, seat comfort, ride comfort, noise & vibration, climate control, ease of use, getting in/getting out, driving position, small-item storage, cargo space, child safety seat accommodation, audio & navigation, smartphone integration, driver aids, voice control, which golf does edmunds recommend, 2018 volkswagen golf models.

The base S comes standard with halogen headlights, LED daytime-running lights and taillights, automatic rain-sensing wipers, heated side mirrors, and 15-inch alloy wheels. Inside, you get a leather-wrapped steering wheel, manually adjustable seats with lumbar adjustment and power recline, cloth upholstery, cruise control and a rearview camera.

Infotainment in the Golf S is handled by a 6.5-inch touchscreen system with Bluetooth and USB connectivity, Apple CarPlay and Android Auto, and an eight-speaker sound system.

Upgrading to the SE adds heated washer nozzles, 16-inch alloy wheels and a sunroof. Inside, the SE upgrades to simulated leather upholstery, heated front seats, and keyless entry with push-button start. You also get blind-spot monitoring with rear cross-traffic alert and forward collision warning with automatic emergency braking. Pedestrian recognition will be added to the collision mitigation system later this year.

The SE's infotainment system is upgraded to an 8-inch touchscreen that adds a CD player and satellite radio, along with VW's Security & Service app.

Reliability Ratings by RepairPal

Consumer reviews, read what other owners think about the used 2018 volkswagen golf., trending topics in reviews.

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Upscale hatchback, my third volkswagen golf, 2018 golf highlights.

Our experts like the Golf models:

NHTSA Overall Rating

  • Frontal Barrier Crash Rating Overall 4 / 5 Driver 5 / 5 Passenger 4 / 5
  • Side Crash Rating Overall 5 / 5
  • Side Barrier Rating Overall 5 / 5 Driver 5 / 5 Passenger 5 / 5
  • Combined Side Barrier & Pole Ratings Front Seat 5 / 5 Back Seat 5 / 5
  • Rollover Rollover 4 / 5 Dynamic Test Result No Tip Risk Of Rollover 13.4%
  • Small Overlap Front Driver-Side Test Good
  • Small Overlap Front Passenger-Side Test Acceptable
  • Moderate Overlap Front Test – Original Good
  • Moderate Overlap Front Test – Updated Not Tested
  • Side Impact Test – Original Good
  • Side Impact Test – Updated Not Tested
  • Roof Strength Test Good
  • Rear Crash Protection / Head Restraint Good

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Review: 2018 VW Polo Vivo 1.6 Highline

voyage 1.6 highline 2018

Seriously, the Polo Vivo. The stripped-out version of the last generation Polo was so enjoyable to spend a week with I didn’t want to give it back. To give you more of an idea of how impressed I was with it, I had no hesitation in giving back the new Polo, as good as it might be.

Not everyone will understand my view. The new Polo offers quality, refinement, ride comfort and equipment. It even took the World Urban Car of the Year title recently.

In the Vivo, VW has ripped out a vast amount of the sound deadening material from the old Polo, given the rear doors window winders instead of electric windows (my five-year old was fascinated) and put in old halogen headlamps to replace the designer units of the old Polo.

Yes, it’s more basic, but it still has the shape of the old Polo and most people will need to see them parked side by side to spot the difference, especially if you take off the Polo Vivo sticker on the back (the old Polo had a proper badge). That is bad news for owners of the old Polo, who will be wondering about their resale values in a country where people like a new car but VW will argue that the specification levels are very different.

Back to why I found the Vivo so endearing though. It uses an old 1.6-litre petrol motor, but with about 10kg of equipment removed, you can hear the engine better. It never screams like a three-cylinder can and combined with a superb five-speed manual gearbox, the way it delivers its 77kW and 153Nm was incredible fun.

It’s all normally-aspirated fun, so no turbo and no front wheel spin. There’s no torque steer, just smooth effortless power until you get into the upper levels of the rev counter where it becomes a little strained. Again, not everyone will understand this but drop a gear and go and it just does exactly what you want it to.

I wanted to take the long way home every day, not along the highway even though it was great there too with its cruise control and good ride, but through the back roads. It’s no speedster — if you want that go for the GT. This is good, honest, involved and fun driving.

So it ticks the fun box, something we did not expect, but it also ticks the equipment box. It might have windy rear windows, a terrible middle seat lap belt and a boot that closes like a kitchen cupboard, but it has cruise control and a touchscreen infotainment system that can be linked to your phone and that can stream music.

The driving position is spot on, the ergonomics as well thought out as they were in the old Polo, and it all has a quality feel. The dash is covered in thick padded plastic — VW could have downgraded it but they didn’t. Even the materials surrounding the instrument cluster are better than the plastics around the instrument cluster of the new Range Rover Velar.

So the new Polo Vivo is a rather good package, but as the budget segment of the market continues to grow faster than any other, does it compete on price? Here things are not so good because at R214,900, it might have great materials and a fancy touchscreen infotainment system, but it is more expensive than competitors such as the Renault Sandero and Toyota Etios. The Etios is cheap and nasty and in no way comparable to the quality of the Vivo, but even the 1.5 Sprint undercuts the VW by nearly 30 grand. And you could get a Sandero Stepway and still have R5 000 change.

In the quality stakes, the Vivo is better than both of those main rivals, but the price difference is too much (the range starts at R179 900), especially as you get similar equipment in the Renault although not quite as good.

I would take the Vivo over the new Polo, not just because it is so much fun to drive, but because VW has left in everything that makes it better value for money, even at the price. – Mark Smyth

Fast Facts: Volkswagen Polo Vivo 1.6 Highline

Engine: 1598cc four-cylinder petrol

Power: 77kW at 5 250rpm

Torque: 153Nm at 3 800rpm

Transmission: five-speed manual

0-100km/h: 10.8-seconds (claimed)

Top speed: 188km/h (claimed)

Fuel: 6.2l/100km (achieved)

CO2: 148g/km (claimed)

Price: From R214 900

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Road Test: VW Passat 1.6 TDI 120bhp Highline

Volkswagen has spruced up the passat to make it more refined if a little conservative, but though it’s better-equipped and competitively priced, it still lacks that devilish side.

voyage 1.6 highline 2018

These days it’s not the spine-crunching suspension thud that turns your stomach. Nor is it the ominous hissing sound. The true source of the trepidation after a puncture is wondering what might await you in the boot.

In days of motoring yore, a puncture was merely an annoying inconvenience. It meant rolling up your sleeves and getting down and dirty with the wheel brace and jack. Not in the modern world of motoring.

We live in the age of runflats and cans of gunk. Both are meant to reassure but both are dependent on the puncture leaving some semblance of tyre wall in place. Sadly, in the real world punctures don’t always go according to the engineering plans. In the last three years I’ve had two punctures and, in both instances, the puncture repair kits were useless. In both cases I was left stranded for most of the day awaiting delivery of replacement tyres to rural tyre centres. Strangely, you learn a lot about the latest lingerie trends in the reading-rooms of tyre centres.

At least I was in the city on a work day when I landed in a well-hidden ravine, otherwise known as a pothole. Don’t worry, this is not going to turn into a rant about the state of Irish roads, but it’s incredible to come across a pothole so deep it cuts the sidewall of a car tyre – and this on a Dublin city street.

In this age of puncture repair kits, it’s surprising how quickly your heart reinflates when you lift the boot floor and spot a full-sized spare lying in its little well. Within 10 minutes I was back on the road, annoyed but at least mobile.

Volkswagen Group is not averse to such modern ways as gunk canisters, but thankfully with the Passat it has opted to stick with tradition and supply a full-size spare wheel.

Substantial presence

In a way that sums up the latest generation of the German car giant’s family saloon. This Passat looks more like a refresh of the outgoing model than a completely new car, although aside from the roof every panel on this car has changed. It’s slightly longer than before, giving it a more substantial presence on the road. The overall effect is to give the car an air of refinement, arguably more conservative than some of its rivals.

This theme continues inside where the extra length adds to the spaciousness of the cabin, already one of the best in class. With a boot of 586 litres you would be hard-pushed to fill it even if you’re moving house.

VW has spent a lot of time sprucing up its interiors and it shows in this Passat, where there is a definite sense of quality. At the upper end – in the Highline specification for example – it could put some premium rivals to shame and it's certainly better than the likes of the new Ford Mondeo in this regard.

Previously, Volkswagen had a reputation for being miserly with the specification levels, but that has changed and even the entry grade has a decent trim, with features such as the leather steering wheel, Bluetooth and a multifunction touchscreen infotainment display as standard.

It's not quite up to Audi standards, perhaps, but it's certainly better than most similarly priced cars. There's a touch of class about the Passat inside and out.

That air of comfort continues behind the wheel. The manual gearbox on our test car was smooth to change, the steering was relatively well-weighted and progressive, and the 1.6 litre diesel we tested was competent at pushing the car alon – competent but not class-leading. The issue with the new Passat is that for all the sense of premium refinement and comfortable mile-munching, it’s really not that much fun to drive. You can easily cruise up and down from Cork to Dublin without feeling the strain and the car looks smart in any company car park or outside any luxury hotel. But it doesn’t seem to have that devilish side: it’s all Dr Jekyll and no Mr Hyde.

The fuel economy is impressive: the fuel-saving Bluemotion format is now a feature on most variants, boasting start-stop and low resistance tyres. And fuel economy in the 1.6-litre was impressive, with an official figure of 4 litres per 100km, equating to over 70mpg.

In terms of pricing, the entry-level petrol starts at €27,295, which is a very tempting proposition, given the decent equipment levels at entry grade and the amount of space you get in this car. And the petrol engine may actually be better suited to suburban commuters than the larger diesel, particularly when overall running costs are taken into account.

There’s roughly a €2,000 price walk between each of the grades, and probably the best option is to go for the mid-range Comfortline if budget allows. In the case of the 1.6-litre manual transmission, that would mean a price tag of €30,815, which is competitive in this class. One addition I would make to this is the optional heated front seats for €334. On these cold mornings they are the quickest way to warm up. Worth every cent in my book.

Ultimately, the Passat is a comfortable, refined entry, a good companion on those long journeys across country or even winding your way through the morning traffic. It’s not a demanding drive. That also means it’s arguably not as much fun to drive as its rivals, which is a pity because there is no question that VW can build cars which are exciting. That suggests it was a conscious decision for Passat.

Rollcall of rivals

It’s probably a sensible one when you consider the profile of the average family car buyer, whose hectic life is filled with juggling work demands with school runs and sports club transport.

However, given the ever-increasing rollcall of rivals in the family segment – from comparable saloons such as the smart Opel Insignia to the spacious Skoda Superb and a raft of mid-sized SUV crossovers – the Passat is not a sure-fire success any more. It’s also hitting the market at the same time as its arch-rival, the new Ford Mondeo. The Ford doesn’thave the quality fit and finish of the Passat, but it’s marginally more fun to drive.

Saloons were once the bastion of middle-class motoring, but these days that position has been usurped by the crossover SUV. Customers have a much wider choice if they bother to look around.

If you are in the market for family transport then the Passat is certainly on the shortlist, but so too should be the likes of the Skoda Superb and alternatively the likes of the Hyundai iX35.

The Passat is a well-built, quasi-premium comfortable saloon. It is better equipped than previous generations and competitively priced against established rivals. Its competition is likely to come as much from the crossover SUV segment as traditional competitors. Buyers should definitely take a look at this latest iteration, but in the current crowded market it’s no longer an automatic choice.

Lowdown: VW Passat 1.6 TDI 120bhp Highline

Engine: 1598cc four-cylinder Bluemotion diesel engine putting out 120bhp @ 3,600rpm and 250Nm of torque @ 1,750rpm with a six-speed manual or seven-speed auto DSG transmission

Top speed: 206 km/h;

0-100km/h: 10.8 secs

L/100km (mpg): 4 (70.6)

Emissions (motor tax): 105g/km (€190)

Specification: Standard features on entry level Trendline include: leather steering wheel; brushed design dashboard; 16-inch steel wheels; LED indicators; manual air-con; electric windows; Bluetooth; ESC with ABS and brake assist; dual front side and curtain airbags with curtain airbags for rear passengers; Pre-crash pro-active occupant protection system.

Price: €32,580 for Highline (starts at €27,295 for 1.4-litre petrol Trendline)

Michael McAleer

Michael McAleer

Michael McAleer is Motoring Editor, Innovation Editor and an Assistant Business Editor at The Irish Times

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A Plan to Remake the Middle East

While talks for a cease-fire between israel and hamas continue, another set of negotiations is happening behind the scenes..

This transcript was created using speech recognition software. While it has been reviewed by human transcribers, it may contain errors. Please review the episode audio before quoting from this transcript and email [email protected] with any questions.

From New York Times, I’m Michael Barbaro. This is The Daily.

[MUSIC CONTINUES]

Today, if and when Israel and Hamas reach a deal for a ceasefire fire, the United States will immediately turn to a different set of negotiations over a grand diplomatic bargain that it believes could rebuild Gaza and remake the Middle East. My colleague Michael Crowley has been reporting on that plan and explains why those involved in it believe they have so little time left to get it done.

It’s Wednesday, May 8.

Michael, I want to start with what feels like a pretty dizzying set of developments in this conflict over the past few days. Just walk us through them?

Well, over the weekend, there was an intense round of negotiations in an effort, backed by the United States, to reach a ceasefire in the Gaza war.

The latest ceasefire proposal would reportedly see as many as 33 Israeli hostages released in exchange for potentially hundreds of Palestinian prisoners.

US officials were very eager to get this deal.

Pressure for a ceasefire has been building ahead of a threatened Israeli assault on Rafah.

Because Israel has been threatening a military offensive in the Southern Palestinian city of Rafah, where a huge number of people are crowded.

Fleeing the violence to the North. And now they’re packed into Rafah. Exposed and vulnerable, they need to be protected.

And the US says it would be a humanitarian catastrophe on top of the emergency that’s already underway.

Breaking news this hour — very important breaking news. An official Hamas source has told The BBC that it does accept a proposal for a ceasefire deal in Gaza.

And for a few hours on Monday, it looked like there might have been a major breakthrough when Hamas put out a statement saying that it had accepted a negotiating proposal.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu says the ceasefire proposal does not meet his country’s requirements. But Netanyahu says he will send a delegation of mediators to continue those talks. Now, the terms —

But those hopes were dashed pretty quickly when the Israelis took a look at what Hamas was saying and said that it was not a proposal that they had agreed to. It had been modified.

And overnight —

Israeli troops stormed into Rafah. Video showing tanks crashing over a sign at the entrance of the city.

— the Israelis launched a partial invasion of Rafah.

It says Hamas used the area to launch a deadly attack on Israeli troops over the weekend.

And they have now secured a border crossing at the Southern end of Gaza and are conducting targeted strikes. This is not yet the full scale invasion that President Biden has adamantly warned Israel against undertaking, but it is an escalation by Israel.

So while all that drama might suggest that these talks are in big trouble, these talks are very much still alive and ongoing and there is still a possibility of a ceasefire deal.

And the reason that’s so important is not just to stop the fighting in Gaza and relieve the suffering there, but a ceasefire also opens the door to a grand diplomatic bargain, one that involves Israel and its Arab neighbors and the Palestinians, and would have very far-reaching implications.

And what is that grand bargain. Describe what you’re talking about?

Well, it’s incredibly ambitious. It would reshape Israel’s relationship with its Arab neighbors, principally Saudi Arabia. But it’s important to understand that this is a vision that has actually been around since well before October 7. This was a diplomatic project that President Biden had been investing in and negotiating actually in a very real and tangible way long before the Hamas attacks and the Gaza war.

And President Biden was looking to build on something that President Trump had done, which was a series of agreements that the Trump administration struck in which Israel and some of its Arab neighbors agreed to have normal diplomatic relations for the first time.

Right, they’re called the Abraham Accords.

That’s right. And, you know, Biden doesn’t like a lot of things, most things that Trump did. But he actually likes this, because the idea is that they contribute to stability and economic integration in the Middle East, the US likes Israel having friends and likes having a tight-knit alliance against Iran.

President Biden agrees with the Saudis and with the Israelis, that Iran is really the top threat to everybody here. So, how can you build on this? How can you expand it? Well, the next and biggest step would be normalizing relations between Israel and Saudi Arabia.

And the Saudis have made clear that they want to do this and that they’re ready to do this. They weren’t ready to do it in the Trump years. But Mohammed bin Salman, the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia, has made clear he wants to do it now.

So this kind of triangular deal began to take shape before October 7, in which the US, Israel, and Saudi Arabia would enter this three way agreement in which everyone would get something that they wanted.

And just walk through what each side gets in this pre-October 7th version of these negotiations?

So for Israel, you get normalized ties with its most important Arab neighbor and really the country that sets the tone for the whole Muslim world, which is Saudi Arabia of course. It makes Israel feel safer and more secure. Again, it helps to build this alliance against Iran, which Israel considers its greatest threat, and it comes with benefits like economic ties and travel and tourism. And Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been very open, at least before October 7th, that this was his highest diplomatic and foreign policy priority.

For the Saudis, the rationale is similar when it comes to Israel. They think that it will bring stability. They like having a more explicitly close ally against Iran. There are economic and cultural benefits. Saudi Arabia is opening itself up in general, encouraging more tourism.

But I think that what’s most important to the Crown Prince, Mohammed bin Salman, is what he can get from the United States. And what he has been asking for are a couple of essential things. One is a security agreement whose details have always been a little bit vague, but I think essentially come down to reliable arms supplies from the United States that are not going to be cut off or paused on a whim, as he felt happened when President Biden stopped arms deliveries in 2021 because of how Saudi was conducting its war in Yemen. The Saudis were furious about that.

Saudi Arabia also wants to start a domestic nuclear power program. They are planning for a very long-term future, possibly a post-oil future. And they need help getting a nuclear program off the ground.

And they want that from the US?

And they want that from the US.

Now, those are big asks from the us. But from the perspective of President Biden, there are some really enticing things about this possible agreement. One is that it will hopefully produce more stability in the region. Again, the US likes having a tight-knit alliance against Iran.

The US also wants to have a strong relationship with Saudi Arabia. You know, despite the anger at Mohammed bin Salman over the murder of the Saudi dissident Jamal Khashoggi, the Biden administration recognizes that given the Saudis control over global oil production and their strategic importance in the Middle East, they need to have a good relationship with them. And the administration has been worried about the influence of China in the region and with the Saudis in particular.

So this is an opportunity for the US to draw the Saudis closer. Whatever our moral qualms might be about bin Salman and the Saudi government, this is an opportunity to bring the Saudis closer, which is something the Biden administration sees as a strategic benefit.

All three of these countries — big, disparate countries that normally don’t see eye-to-eye, this was a win-win-win on a military, economic, and strategic front.

That’s right. But there was one important actor in the region that did not see itself as winning, and that was the Palestinians.

[MUSIC PLAYING]

First, it’s important to understand that the Palestinians have always expected that the Arab countries in the Middle East would insist that Israel recognize a Palestinian state before those countries were willing to essentially make total peace and have normal relations with Israel.

So when the Abraham Accords happened in the Trump administration, the Palestinians felt like they’d been thrown under the bus because the Abraham Accords gave them virtually nothing. But the Palestinians did still hold out hope that Saudi Arabia would be their savior. And for years, Saudi Arabia has said that Israel must give the Palestinians a state if there’s going to be a normal relationship between Israel and Saudi Arabia.

Now the Palestinians see the Saudis in discussions with the US and Israel about a normalization agreement, and there appears to be very little on offer for the Palestinians. And they are feeling like they’re going to be left out in the cold here.

Right. And in the minds of the Palestinians, having already been essentially sold out by all their other Arab neighbors, the prospect that Saudi Arabia, of all countries, the most important Muslim Arab country in the region, would sell them out, had to be extremely painful.

It was a nightmare scenario for them. And in the minds of many analysts and US officials, this was a factor, one of many, in Hamas’s decision to stage the October 7th attacks.

Hamas, like other Palestinian leaders, was seeing the prospect that the Middle East was moving on and essentially, in their view, giving up on the Palestinian cause, and that Israel would be able to have friendly, normal relations with Arab countries around the region, and that it could continue with hardline policies toward the Palestinians and a refusal, as Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has said publicly, to accept a Palestinian state.

Right. So Michael, once Hamas carries out the October 7th attacks in an effort to destroy a status quo that it thinks is leaving them less and less relevant, more and more hopeless, including potentially this prospect that Saudi Arabia is going to normalize relations with Israel, what happens to these pre-October 7th negotiations between the US, Saudi Arabia, and Israel?

Well, I think there was a snap assumption that these talks were dead and buried. That they couldn’t possibly survive a cataclysm like this.

But then something surprising happened. It became clear that all the parties were still determined to pull-off the normalization.

And most surprisingly of all, perhaps, was the continued eagerness of Saudi Arabia, which publicly was professing outrage over the Israeli response to the Hamas attacks, but privately was still very much engaged in these conversations and trying to move them forward.

And in fact, what has happened is that the scope of this effort has grown substantially. October 7th didn’t kill these talks. It actually made them bigger, more complicated, and some people would argue, more important than ever.

We’ll be right back.

Michael, walk us through what exactly happens to these three-way negotiations after October 7th that ends up making them, as you just said, more complicated and more important than ever?

Well, it’s more important than ever because of the incredible need in Gaza. And it’s going to take a deal like this and the approval of Saudi Arabia to unlock the kind of massive reconstruction project required to essentially rebuild Gaza from the rubble. Saudi Arabia and its Arab friends are also going to be instrumental in figuring out how Gaza is governed, and they might even provide troops to help secure it. None of those things are going to happen without a deal like this.

Fascinating.

But this is all much more complicated now because the price for a deal like this has gone up.

And by price, you mean?

What Israel would have to give up. [MUSIC PLAYING]

From Saudi Arabia’s perspective, you have an Arab population that is furious at Israel. It now feels like a really hard time to do a normalization deal with the Israelis. It was never going to be easy, but this is about as bad a time to do it as there has been in a generation at least. And I think that President Biden and the people around him understand that the status quo between Israel and the Palestinians is intolerable and it is going to lead to chaos and violence indefinitely.

So now you have two of the three parties to this agreement, the Saudis and the Americans, basically asking a new price after October 7th, and saying to the Israelis, if we’re going to do this deal, it has to not only do something for the Palestinians, it has to do something really big. You have to commit to the creation of a Palestinian state. Now, I’ll be specific and say that what you hear the Secretary of State, Antony Blinken, say is that the agreement has to include an irreversible time-bound path to a Palestinian state.

We don’t know exactly what that looks like, but it’s some kind of a firm commitment, the likes of which the world and certainly the Israelis have not made before.

Something that was very much not present in the pre-October 7th vision of this negotiation. So much so that, as we just talked about, the Palestinians were left feeling completely out in the cold and furious at it.

That’s right. There was no sign that people were thinking that ambitiously about the Palestinians in this deal before October 7th. And the Palestinians certainly felt like they weren’t going to get much out of it. And that has completely changed now.

So, Michael, once this big new dimension after October 7th, which is the insistence by Saudi Arabia and the US that there be a Palestinian state or a path to a Palestinian state, what is the reaction specifically from Israel, which is, of course, the third major party to this entire conversation?

Well, Israel, or at least its political leadership, hates it. You know, this is just an extremely tough sell in Israel. It would have been a tough sell before October 7th. It’s even harder now.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is completely unrepentantly open in saying that there’s not going to be a Palestinian state on his watch. He won’t accept it. He says that it’s a strategic risk to his country. He says that it would, in effect, reward Hamas.

His argument is that terrorism has forced a conversation about statehood onto the table that wasn’t there before October 7th. Sure, it’s always in the background. It’s a perennial issue in global affairs, but it was not something certainly that the US and Israel’s Arab neighbors were actively pushing. Netanyahu also has — you know, he governs with the support of very right-wing members of a political coalition that he has cobbled together. And that coalition is quite likely to fall apart if he does embrace a Palestinian state or a path to a Palestinian state.

Now, he might be able to cobble together some sort of alternative, but it creates a political crisis for him.

And finally, you know, I think in any conversation about Israel, it’s worth bearing in mind something you hear from senior US officials these days, which is that although there is often finger pointing at Netanyahu and a desire to blame Netanyahu as this obstructionist who won’t agree to deals, what they say is Netanyahu is largely reflecting his population and the political establishment of his country, not just the right-wingers in his coalition who are clearly extremist.

But actually the prevailing views of the Israeli public. And the Israeli public and their political leaders across the spectrum right now with few exceptions, are not interested in talking about a Palestinian state when there are still dozens and dozens of Israeli hostages in tunnels beneath Gaza.

So it very much looks like this giant agreement that once seemed doable before October 7th might be more important to everyone involved than ever, given that it’s a plan for rebuilding Gaza and potentially preventing future October 7th’s from happening, but because of this higher price that Israel would have to pay, which is the acceptance of a Palestinian state, it seems from everything you’re saying, that this is more and more out of reach than ever before and hard to imagine happening in the immediate future. So if the people negotiating it are being honest, Michael, are they ready to acknowledge that it doesn’t look like this is going to happen?

Well, not quite yet. As time goes by, they certainly say it’s getting harder and harder, but they’re still trying, and they still think there’s a chance. But both the Saudis and the Biden administration understand that there’s very little time left to do this.

Well, what do you mean there’s very little time left? It would seem like time might benefit this negotiation in that it might give Israel distance from October 7th to think potentially differently about a Palestinian state?

Potentially. But Saudi Arabia wants to get this deal done in the Biden administration because Mohammed bin Salman has concluded this has to be done under a Democratic president.

Because Democrats in Congress are going to be very reluctant to approve a security agreement between the United States and Saudi Arabia.

It’s important to understand that if there is a security agreement, that’s something Congress is going to have to approve. And you’re just not going to get enough Democrats in Congress to support a deal with Saudi Arabia, who a lot of Democrats don’t like to begin with, because they see them as human rights abusers.

But if a Democratic president is asking them to do it, they’re much more likely to go along.

Right. So Saudi Arabia fears that if Biden loses and Trump is president, that those same Democrats would balk at this deal in a way that they wouldn’t if it were being negotiated under President Biden?

Exactly. Now, from President Biden’s perspective, politically, think about a president who’s running for re-election, who is presiding right now over chaos in the Middle East, who doesn’t seem to have good answers for the Israeli-Palestinian question, this is an opportunity for President Biden to deliver what could be at least what he would present as a diplomatic masterstroke that does multiple things at once, including creating a new pathway for Israel and the Palestinians to coexist, to break through the logjam, even as he is also improving Israel’s relations with Saudi Arabia.

So Biden and the Crown Prince hope that they can somehow persuade Bibi Netanyahu that in spite of all the reasons that he thinks this is a terrible idea, that this is a bet worth taking on Israel’s and the region’s long-term security and future?

That’s right. Now, no one has explained very clearly exactly how this is going to work, and it’s probably going to require artful diplomacy, possibly even a scenario where the Israelis would agree to something that maybe means one thing to them and means something else to other people. But Biden officials refuse to say that it’s hopeless and they refuse to essentially take Netanyahu’s preliminary no’s for an answer. And they still see some way that they can thread this incredibly narrow needle.

Michael, I’m curious about a constituency that we haven’t been talking about because they’re not at the table in these discussions that we are talking about here. And that would be Hamas. How does Hamas feel about the prospect of such a deal like this ever taking shape. Do they see it as any kind of a victory and vindication for what they did on October 7th?

So it’s hard to know exactly what Hamas’s leadership is thinking. I think they can feel two things. I think they can feel on the one hand, that they have established themselves as the champions of the Palestinian people who struck a blow against Israel and against a diplomatic process that was potentially going to leave the Palestinians out in the cold.

At the same time, Hamas has no interest in the kind of two-state solution that the US is trying to promote. They think Israel should be destroyed. They think the Palestinian state should cover the entire geography of what is now Israel, and they want to lead a state like that. And that’s not something that the US, Saudi Arabia, or anyone else is going to tolerate.

So what Hamas wants is to fight, to be the leader of the Palestinian people, and to destroy Israel. And they’re not interested in any sort of a peace process or statehood process.

It seems very clear from everything you’ve said here that neither Israel nor Hamas is ready to have the conversation about a grand bargain diplomatic program. And I wonder if that inevitably has any bearing on the ceasefire negotiations that are going on right now between the two of them that are supposed to bring this conflict to some sort of an end, even if it’s just temporary?

Because if, as you said, Michael, a ceasefire opens the door to this larger diplomatic solution, and these two players don’t necessarily want that larger diplomatic solution, doesn’t that inevitably impact their enthusiasm for even reaching a ceasefire?

Well, it certainly doesn’t help. You know, this is such a hellish problem. And of course, you first have the question of whether Israel and Hamas can make a deal on these immediate issues, including the hostages, Palestinian prisoners, and what the Israeli military is going to do, how long a ceasefire might last.

But on top of that, you have these much bigger diplomatic questions that are looming over them. And it’s not clear that either side is ready to turn and face those bigger questions.

So while for the Biden administration and for Saudi Arabia, this is a way out of this crisis, these larger diplomatic solutions, it’s not clear that it’s a conversation that the two parties that are actually at war here are prepared to start having.

Well, Michael, thank you very much. We appreciate it.

On Tuesday afternoon, under intense pressure from the US, delegations from Israel and Hamas arrived in Cairo to resume negotiations over a potential ceasefire. But in a statement, Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu made clear that even with the talks underway, his government would, quote, “continue to wage war against Hamas.”

Here’s what else you need to know today. In a dramatic day of testimony, Stormy Daniels offered explicit details about an alleged sexual encounter with Donald Trump that ultimately led to the hush money payment at the center of his trial. Daniels testified that Trump answered the door in pajamas, that he told her not to worry that he was married, and that he did not use a condom when they had sex.

That prompted lawyers for Trump to seek a mistrial based on what they called prejudicial testimony. But the judge in the case rejected that request. And,

We’ve seen a ferocious surge of anti-Semitism in America and around the world.

In a speech on Tuesday honoring victims of the Holocaust, President Biden condemned what he said was the alarming rise of anti-Semitism in the United States after the October 7th attacks on Israel. And he expressed worry that too many Americans were already forgetting the horrors of that attack.

The Jewish community, I want you to know I see your fear, your hurt, and your pain. Let me reassure you, as your president, you’re not alone. You belong. You always have and you always will.

Today’s episode was produced by Nina Feldman, Clare Toeniskoetter, and Rikki Novetsky. It was edited by Liz O. Baylen, contains original music by Marion Lozano, Elisheba Ittoop, and Dan Powell, and was engineered by Alyssa Moxley. Our theme music is by Jim Brunberg and Ben Landsverk of Wonderly.

That’s it for The Daily. I’m Michael Barbaro. See you tomorrow.

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Hosted by Michael Barbaro

Featuring Michael Crowley

Produced by Nina Feldman ,  Clare Toeniskoetter and Rikki Novetsky

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Original music by Marion Lozano ,  Elisheba Ittoop and Dan Powell

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If and when Israel and Hamas reach a deal for a cease-fire, the United States will immediately turn to a different set of negotiations over a grand diplomatic bargain that it believes could rebuild Gaza and remake the Middle East.

Michael Crowley, who covers the State Department and U.S. foreign policy for The Times, explains why those involved in this plan believe they have so little time left to get it done.

On today’s episode

voyage 1.6 highline 2018

Michael Crowley , a reporter covering the State Department and U.S. foreign policy for The New York Times.

A young man is looking out at destroyed buildings from above.

Background reading :

Talks on a cease-fire in the Gaza war are once again at an uncertain stage .

Here’s how the push for a deal between Israel and Saudi Arabia looked before Oct. 7 .

From early in the war, President Biden has said that a lasting resolution requires a “real” Palestinian state .

Here’s what Israeli officials are discussing about postwar Gaza.

There are a lot of ways to listen to The Daily. Here’s how.

We aim to make transcripts available the next workday after an episode’s publication. You can find them at the top of the page.

The Daily is made by Rachel Quester, Lynsea Garrison, Clare Toeniskoetter, Paige Cowett, Michael Simon Johnson, Brad Fisher, Chris Wood, Jessica Cheung, Stella Tan, Alexandra Leigh Young, Lisa Chow, Eric Krupke, Marc Georges, Luke Vander Ploeg, M.J. Davis Lin, Dan Powell, Sydney Harper, Mike Benoist, Liz O. Baylen, Asthaa Chaturvedi, Rachelle Bonja, Diana Nguyen, Marion Lozano, Corey Schreppel, Rob Szypko, Elisheba Ittoop, Mooj Zadie, Patricia Willens, Rowan Niemisto, Jody Becker, Rikki Novetsky, John Ketchum, Nina Feldman, Will Reid, Carlos Prieto, Ben Calhoun, Susan Lee, Lexie Diao, Mary Wilson, Alex Stern, Dan Farrell, Sophia Lanman, Shannon Lin, Diane Wong, Devon Taylor, Alyssa Moxley, Summer Thomad, Olivia Natt, Daniel Ramirez and Brendan Klinkenberg.

Our theme music is by Jim Brunberg and Ben Landsverk of Wonderly. Special thanks to Sam Dolnick, Paula Szuchman, Lisa Tobin, Larissa Anderson, Julia Simon, Sofia Milan, Mahima Chablani, Elizabeth Davis-Moorer, Jeffrey Miranda, Renan Borelli, Maddy Masiello, Isabella Anderson and Nina Lassam.

Michael Crowley covers the State Department and U.S. foreign policy for The Times. He has reported from nearly three dozen countries and often travels with the secretary of state. More about Michael Crowley

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Victor Mukhin

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